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Did Pius XI 's use of the "problematic" term "social justice" introduce into the Church so-called Rousseau-like sinful "structures...[as] the primary cause of corruption of human beings...[so that] Social reform takes precedence over personal reform" according to scholar Fr. Fortin?

Social Justice According to Pius XI

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[https://distributistreview.com/archive/social-justice-pius-xi]
"The debate over 'structures of sin' highlights a major shift in how the modern papacy connects individual morality to global systems. Pope John Paul II used structural language but strictly tethered it to individual accountability to avoid the pitfalls of collective guilt. In contrast, Pope Francis expanded structural sin into a broader, prophetic critique that moves away from tight, bounded definitions of personal culpability." - Google AI

So if your question is “Who actually secularized redemption in the sense described?”, I would distinguish three levels:

If by “who explicitly brought this about” you mean who most clearly made the shift from individual moral corruption to social/structural corruption, the answer is Rousseau, but with an important qualification: the formulation “Rousseau secularized redemption” is an interpretive characterization, not a phrase I would attribute verbatim to Fortin without a specific Fortin citation.

The intellectual sequence is roughly:

  • Christian account: the fundamental human problem is internal and moral—sin, disordered desire, and separation from God. Social institutions can also be unjust, but reforming institutions does not by itself redeem man.
  • Rousseau: human beings are naturally good or at least not naturally vicious; corruption arises largely through social development, dependence, inequality, and artificial institutions.
  • Political consequence: if society is the principal source of corruption, then changing society becomes central to overcoming human misery.
  • Later philosophy of history: this becomes more systematic. Kant gives history a hidden purposive direction; Hegel makes historical development the arena in which freedom realizes itself; Marx turns the problem explicitly toward material/social structures and revolutionary transformation. - ChatGPT

Fr. Ernest Fortin, who was a prominent scholar of Saint Augustine and Saint Thomas Aquinas, shows that the first pope to use the "problematic" ambiguous term "social justice" was Pope Pius XI. Fortin apparently suggests that Pius Xi unwittingly introduced into the Church so-called Rousseau-like sinful "structures... [as] the primary cause of corruption of human beings... [so that] Social reform takes precedence over personal reform":

Against the background of these ideas one is in a better position to measure the gulf that separates the Augustinian from the modern view of history. The philosophy of history came into being with Kant at the end of the eighteenth century and the early years of the nineteenth century in the wake of Rousseau's epoch-making attack on bourgeois morality. Its basic thrust was not only to restore genuine morality but to insure that its exercise would not be obstructed by oppressive political structures. With typical modern realism, it assumed that human good will alone could not be relied upon to overturn these evil structures and that the necessary reform would come about only through the operation of a hidden "teleology" ['Kant gives history a hidden purposive'] direction at work in the historical process... 

... The one point on which both views would appear to be in agreement, even though it is never explicitly discussed by Kant, concerns the linear and nonrepeatable character of the historical process. That this central premise should have been so easily taken for granted by modem philosophers of history is perhaps an indirect tribute to the persuasive power of the City of God. But then the notion that history takes its course along a straight line can hardly be considered an Augustinian innovation. It underlies the whole of the biblical account of human existence, for which both Kantian and Hegelian philosophy were intended as a substitute...

... The notion of social justice is itself problematic for a variety of reasons, not the least troublesome of which is that no one has yet to be able to find it with any degree of precision. The first author to use the term is thought to be the Roman Catholic theologian Taparelli d' Azeglio, who devoted a chapter in his theological essay on natural rights, based on facts.... The oddity of this in this instance is that Taparelli himself showed no awareness of the novelty of the expression and seemed to have assumed that its meaning was self-evident, something which could hardly have happened if the complex ideas associated had not already been part of the intellectual landscape of that period... 

... The question was taken up by numerous theologians and social theorists, including the members of the Freiburg Union, whose discussion over a ten years period in 1980 supplied the background for Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum, to which the three hitherto known forms of justice, legal, distributive, and commutative, did social justice correspond, or if it did not correspond to any of them, in what way was it different? The opinions were different, so scholars opted for legal justice and other distributive justice, but not without some hesitations, since the use of the adjective social to qualify a virtue that is preeminent social, to begin with, evoke a different set of connotations. The hesitation were fully justified. As nearly as I can make out, social justice, encountered distinction to either legal or distributive justice, does not refer to any special disposition of the soul, and hence cannot properly be regarded as a virtue. Its subject is not the individual being, but a mysterious society named "X", which is said to be unintentionally responsible for the conditions of its members, and in particular for the lot of the poor among them. It makes complete sense only in the context of the new political theories of the seventeenth century, and the thrust of which was to shift the focus of attention from virtue or social character to the reordering of our social structures in such a way as to ensure the security and freedom of the atomic individuals who chose to enter society and accept and remain in it for that reason and that reason alone. As such, it is at peace with the modern rights theory, which is concerned only with the perfection of the social order, as distinguished from that of the individual. Yet it goes beyond the early modern view in that it seeks to equalize social conditions as much as possible, with an eye for guaranteeing the freedom of individuals to promote equity required for its exercise...

... Rousseau's egalitarian scheme and politics of compassion go hand in hand with it. It is thus best understood as part of an all-out endeavor to ground politics in something more fundamental than the desire for self-preservation, namely freedom, or in more recent parlance, the sacredness of the individual qua individual. Rousseau himself never used this expression, "social justice", but it is not unreasonable to think that he prepared the ground for it in his radical critique of civil society and his rearticulation of virtually all the fundamental problems in terms of the distinction between nature and history, as opposed to the classic distinction between body and soul...

... If society's and its action structures are the primary cause of corruption of human beings and the evil attendant upon it, they must be changed. Social reform takes precedence over personal reform. It constitutes the first and perhaps the most moral imperative: better institutions will give us better individuals, not vice versa. Under such circumstances, the premodern emphasis on education and moral character as true cause of happiness of both the individual and community would itself be laid in sight. The only true evil is social evil. As such sin is social sin. (Classical Christianity and the Political Order: Reflections on the Theologico-Political Problem by Ernest L. Fortin, Pages 129-131, 233-235)

Notes: 

1. "Pius XI used to recommend the study of Taparelli’s works in conversations with his friends and colleague." [https://isi.org/the-origins-of-social-justice/]

2. Monsignor Joseph Clifford Fenton was the editor of the American Ecclesiastical Review, served as a peritus for Cardinal Ottaviani at the Second Vatican Council and secretary of the Catholic Theological Society of America. Monsignor Fenton is quoted from his diaries by author David A. Wemhoff in his book, "John Courtney Murray, Time/Life and the American Proposition: How the CIA's Doctrinal Warfare Program Changed the Catholic Church" saying that Pope Pius XII and Pope Pius XI apparently held some questionable "opinions as a personal theologian[s]":

"As far as I can make out at the moment, the contentions of Lieber are true, even if his statements, as I explained in note, are scandalous as a betrayal of trust. Apparently, the Pope, as a private theologian, does approve of Murray, or at least is not unsympathetic with him. But this is not a doctrine which he attempts to teach or support, even in his capacity as a private theologian. On the other hand, the one authoritative statement which has come from him has upheld the Ottaviani thesis. There is a parallel in the case of Pius XI. According to Yele, an old rector, the old man held some weird opinions as a personal theologian. The Pius XII case seems to be a case in which the divine protection of Catholic doctrine has become, for all intents and purposes, visible." (Pages 461-462 from Fenton Disries, "Entry June 12, 1954, "Ninth Trip to Rome." 112-116)

3. Google AI: The debate over "structures of sin" highlights a major shift in how the modern papacy connects individual morality to global systems. Pope John Paul II used structural language but strictly tethered it to individual accountability to avoid the pitfalls of collective guilt. In contrast, Pope Francis expanded structural sin into a broader, prophetic critique that moves away from tight, bounded definitions of personal culpability. [1, 2, 3]

The theological differences in their approaches break down into a few key areas:
1. The Theological Source: Personal vs. Prophetic

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